November 1st 2026; Chile in the World-System: The Historical Bifurcation Fascism, Popular Self-Management, and the Other Longue Durée

Chile in the World-System: The Historical Bifurcation
Fascism, Popular Self-Management, and the Other Longue Durée

 

Ignacio Muñoz-Cristi

I. From Popular Revolt to the Rise of Fascism: Chile in the Structural Crisis of the World-System

As I write these lines, on October 18, 2026, Chilean popular organizations are taking to the streets once again to commemorate seven years since the uprising that shook the foundations of Chile's neoliberal order. I have just participated in one of these demonstrations in Santiago, alongside young people, adults, older people, children, and popular organizations with diverse histories. Once again, the demonstration has been harshly repressed by the police. Seven years later, now under the government of José Antonio Kast, popular struggles continue. History did not end with the rejection of the constitutional proposals or the electoral victory of the far right. This coexistence of persistent popular struggles and the authoritarian reorganization of state power is, in my view, a particularly significant expression of the contradictions running through the current structural crisis of the capitalist-colonial world-system.

How could a society that experienced one of the greatest popular uprisings in its recent history, radically challenging the neoliberal order inherited from the civil-military dictatorship, end up electing a government led by a far right that upholds fundamental aspects of that very order? I believe this trajectory can be understood by situating it within the structural crisis of the modern world-system, as examined by Immanuel Wallerstein (2010), and by recovering another history of the longue durée: that of popular struggles and self-managing relational dynamics generated, conserved, and transformed over centuries within that same historical system.

Wallerstein argued that historical capitalism, constituted as a world-economy during the long sixteenth century, had entered a structural crisis affecting the very conditions of its conservation. Its accumulated contradictions progressively weaken the usual mechanisms of adjustment and reorganization. Under these circumstances, fluctuations become increasingly intense, the possibilities of restoring previous equilibria diminish, and the system approaches a historical bifurcation whose outcome remains open: a more egalitarian and democratic world, or one that is more authoritarian, unequal, and polarized. In this transition, human actions acquire extraordinary importance in shaping historical possibilities.

From this perspective, I find Chile's trajectory between 2019 and 2026 especially revealing. The popular uprising exposed a profound crisis of legitimacy in the neoliberal order and its political institutions. Mass demonstrations, territorial assemblies, popular town meetings, and diverse experiences of community organization expressed a challenge that went far beyond sectoral demands and traditional channels of representation. For months, millions of people shook the political order built during the dictatorship and administered by the governments of the democratic transition. Yet that extraordinary expansion of popular struggles was followed by the institutionalization of the conflict, a global pandemic, two defeated constituent processes, a progressive government that ultimately conserved fundamental aspects of the existing order, and finally Kast's electoral victory in December 2025.

The electoral sequence reveals these fluctuations. In October 2020, 78.31% of valid votes supported drafting a new Constitution. In September 2022, 61.86% rejected the proposal prepared by the Constitutional Convention backed by the governing coalition. In December 2023, 55.76% rejected a second proposal, this time arising from a process dominated by conservative forces. Finally, in December 2025, the far right won the presidency. These outcomes express a profound crisis of representation: institutional political forces have not constructed a stable response to the contradictions that erupted in October 2019.

The management of the COVID-19 pandemic played a decisive role in this process. In March 2020, while popular mobilizations still had an enormous capacity to draw participants, Sebastián Piñera's government declared a constitutional state of catastrophe. The health emergency also reinforced state control over territories and popular organizations. Lockdowns, travel restrictions, and the nighttime curfew, which lasted until September 2021, helped dismantle the conditions for collective mobilization generated during the uprising. Police and military deployment, restrictions on public space, and repressive actions against territorial organizations deepened the repression and criminalization of popular sectors already subjected to intense persecution in preceding months.

Repression even reached community initiatives responding to the pandemic's social consequences. In different territories, community kitchens organized by urban residents faced surveillance, harassment, and police intervention. As living conditions deteriorated for broad popular sectors, communities had to confront both the material difficulties of reproducing life and the restrictions imposed by state mechanisms of control. The health emergency was thus administered through a combination of public-health measures, militarization of social space, and reinforcement of the state's coercive capacities.

Yet popular organizations also transformed their practices. Lost income, precarious employment, and food insecurity prompted the reorganization of community kitchens, territorial food-supply networks, and other forms of territorial and community cooperation. Many revived practices that had been fundamental during the dictatorship and earlier crises. While opportunities for mass mobilization were restricted, self-managing dynamics of the reproduction of life acquired renewed importance. The history of the uprising continued to unfold in other domains of popular coexistence.

The authoritarian reorganization of state power advanced as popular struggles were transformed, weakened, and rearticulated. To understand these dynamics, we need to examine the historical continuities of Chilean capitalism and recover the longue durée of the antisystemic practices that have accompanied its constitution.

II. Interventive Continuity: From Progressivism to Authoritarian Reorganization

Kast's rise intensifies authoritarian tendencies within the crisis of historical capitalism. But these tendencies developed under previous governments and were expressed through institutional, economic, and coercive transformations that helped conserve and strengthen existing relations of domination. I consider it especially important to examine the role of Gabriel Boric's government, because its trajectory expresses some fundamental contradictions of contemporary progressivisms: political forces that come to power propelled by expectations of social transformation but end up administering and reproducing central aspects of the order they promised to change.

During the 2019 uprising, Piñera's government responded by declaring a state of emergency, deploying the military in the streets, and carrying out systematic repression that resulted in serious human rights violations documented by national and international organizations (ACNUDH, 2019; Human Rights Watch, 2019). Meanwhile, institutional political forces promoted a negotiated settlement of the conflict. The Agreement for Social Peace and a New Constitution, signed on November 15, 2019, initiated a process of constitutional change under conditions established through negotiations among the main parliamentary forces. Gabriel Boric, then a member of parliament, personally participated in signing it. In my view, that agreement marked a decisive moment in the institutionalization of the uprising, shifting a fundamental part of the political struggle from the streets and territories to procedures controlled by state institutions.

The institutionalization of the conflict also strengthened repressive mechanisms. In January 2020, under Piñera's government, Law No. 21,208, known as the Anti-Barricade Law, was enacted, introducing new criminal penalties for certain practices that interrupted circulation or disturbed public order. Its historical significance lies in the criminalization of forms of popular protest that had become prominent during the uprising and in previous decades. The state thus expanded the penal consequences of certain forms of collective action.

Under Boric's government, this repressive reorganization continued through legislation. Law No. 21,560, known as the Naín-Retamal Law, passed in 2023, expanded legal protections for certain police actions and introduced a legal presumption of self-defense under specified conditions. This change strengthened the institutional protections surrounding police use of force in a country where repression of popular demonstrations had produced serious human rights violations only a few years earlier.

That same year, Law No. 21,633 was passed, reforming legislation on unlawful occupation of property, increasing criminal penalties for certain occupations, and modifying restitution procedures. This legislation has particularly serious implications in light of the history of Chile's urban popular movement. Land occupations have been among the principal means of struggle for housing and collective production of habitat for more than half a century (Garcés, 2002). Through them, thousands of organized families have materially contested access to urban land, confronting real-estate speculation and the territorial exclusion produced by Chile's extreme form of neoliberal capitalism. Criminalizing these practices directly affects one of the historical repertoires of urban popular struggle.

The continuity of policies of territorial control, repression, and criminalization was also expressed in the extension of states of exception in the Southern Macrozone, where Boric's government maintained military involvement in the historical conflict between the Chilean state and the Mapuche people (Ministerio del Interior y Seguridad Pública, 2022). At the same time, Boric's decision to ratify the TPP-11, which entered into force in February 2023, further deepened Chile's historical subordination to the economic relations of transnational capitalism. After decades of extreme neoliberalism and extensive international trade integration, the government undertook new investment-protection commitments despite criticism concerning their implications for sovereignty and the state's capacity to pursue policies of economic transformation. The decision is particularly revealing because Boric himself had previously opposed the treaty and because even government officials acknowledged that its potential additional trade benefits were limited.

The Chilean experience reveals a problem confronting Latin American progressivisms. In different countries, governments arising from popular mobilizations have faced contradictions between their emancipatory promises and the conservation of the capitalist, colonial, and state relations they administer. As these contradictions deepen, expectations of transformation may turn into political frustration, while popular organizations undergo demobilization, institutional subordination, or a weakening of their autonomous capacities. Under certain historical conditions, these transformations help create favorable circumstances for the rise of authoritarian forces that capitalize on social discontent through discourses of order, security, and restored authority.

From my perspective, Boric's government expresses these contradictions. His administration came to power after the popular uprising and constituent process, amid enormous expectations of transformation. Yet it ultimately helped conserve fundamental aspects of neoliberal institutions and strengthen repressive mechanisms that now form part of the conditions under which the far right governs. Kast's victory thus expresses a political reorganization of power grounded in historical continuities developed across governments of differing party orientations.

In my research on popular self-management (autogestión popular) and social intervention in the capitalist world-system (2015), I have proposed a distinction that I consider especially fruitful for examining these continuities. Interventive relational dynamics take shape when certain people, groups, or institutions make decisions for other people and communities, subordinating their capacities to participate in determining their own conditions of existence. These dynamics have played a constitutive role in the historical organization of the modern world-system, articulated with the state, market, colonial, and patriarchal relations through which modern domination has been produced and reproduced.

Intervention may occur through repressive mechanisms, administrative procedures, economic mechanisms, technologies of government, and institutional forms of political representation. Its historical continuity is expressed in the conservation of relations through which fundamental decisions about collective life remain concentrated in particular groups and institutions, while broad sectors of the population are subordinated to their consequences.

This distinction makes it possible to examine authoritarian reorganization beyond governments and political discourses. Fascist forms of organizing power intensify particular relations of obedience, subordination, and exclusion, drawing also on previously constituted institutional mechanisms. Chile's recent history shows how legal and political transformations carried out under earlier governments can participate in shaping the conditions for subsequent authoritarian reorganization.

III. The Other Longue Durée: Popular Self-Management and Antisystemic Struggles

Analyzing the structural crisis of the capitalist world-system requires recovering another history of the longue durée: that of the practices through which popular sectors have collectively produced, reproduced, and transformed their conditions of existence. In my research on the history of popular self-management in Chile (2020), I have reconstructed a trajectory reaching back to the colonial period and spanning different historical configurations of capitalism. This history reveals self-managing relational dynamics generated, conserved, and transformed over centuries of popular struggles.

During the colonial period, Indigenous peoples conserved and transformed practices of reciprocity and collective work, such as ayni and minka, as well as forms of community and territorial organization associated with the ayllu. In Chile, the Pueblos de Indios developed community funds to sustain the reproduction of collective life, finance tools, seeds, animals, and medicines, and strengthen productive capacities (Salazar, 2012). From a decolonial perspective, I argue that these experiences constituted some of the earliest American expressions of self-managed work within capitalist-colonial modernity. This distinction is fundamental: while community work and associative and cooperative practices have existed throughout human history, self-managed work acquires its historical specificity as a relational dynamic antagonistic to the system of capital, arising with modernity-coloniality from the sixteenth century onward. It is precisely this constitutive antagonism that gives it its fully modern character. This history challenges Eurocentric genealogies that locate the origins of modern self-management exclusively in European workers' organizations and cooperatives, and allows us to recognize a distinct trajectory of antisystemic struggles in the Global South.

During the nineteenth century, mutual-aid societies, artisan associations, and diverse popular organizations generated new forms of cooperation, education, and collective support. The mancomunales of the early twentieth century represented a particularly significant moment in this trajectory, bringing together economic, political, educational, and cultural activities that expanded the capacities for autonomous organization among workers and communities. In this way, popular sectors collectively assumed fundamental aspects of the production of their social life.

During the twentieth century, cooperatives, territorial organizations, and land occupations expanded and transformed these dynamics. A fundamental milestone was the 1957 occupation of La Victoria in Santiago, one of Latin America's first major organized land occupations, which expressed the growing capacity of the urban popular movement to contest access to urban land collectively and produce its own habitat conditions (Garcés, 2002). These experiences helped consolidate processes of popular power that preceded the Popular Unity government and later took new forms in the global cycle of antisystemic struggles associated with the world revolution of 1968 (Wallerstein, 1990). I consider Popular Unity a historical expression of Chile's '68, bringing together processes of worker, peasant, student, and urban popular organization developed over previous decades.

I consider the industrial belts (cordones industriales) and communal commands (comandos comunales) that arose during Popular Unity (Gaudichaud, 2016) especially significant organizational expressions of these processes of increasing self-management complexity, articulating different domains of productive, territorial, and political organization around projects of nationwide social transformation. Their development was marked by disputes within the left itself, particularly between revolutionary sectors advocating the deepening and expansion of popular power and the predominant orientations of Popular Unity's governmental leadership. These tensions expressed historical contradictions between the autonomous organizational dynamics of popular sectors and institutional forms of political direction in the process of social transformation.

The 1973 coup and civil-military dictatorship destroyed numerous popular organizations and radically transformed the conditions of collective action. Nevertheless, in urban peripheries, both community practices for reproducing life and experiences of political education linked to revolutionary left traditions survived and were reorganized to varying degrees. Working-class neighborhoods conserved memories of struggle, relations of solidarity, organizational capacities, and political projects that found new expression in resistance to the dictatorship. During the National Days of Protest against the dictatorship in the 1980s, popular territories became crucial sites of the most radical confrontations with the regime. It was working-class residents who, directly confronting military and police repression, put their bodies in the line of fire and paid one of the highest human costs of those days of struggle. Community kitchens, subsistence organizations, territorial networks, and experiences of political resistance formed part of an intertwined history of reproducing life and confronting dictatorial domination.

The political transition and consolidation of neoliberalism once again altered the conditions of these practices. Various organizations were incorporated into state programs, competitive funding mechanisms, and institutional forms of participation that transformed their internal relations and autonomous capacities. Contradictions between self-managing and interventive dynamics were especially evident in relations among popular movements, nongovernmental organizations, state institutions, and mechanisms of social intervention.

The recent history of the Movimiento de Pobladoras y Pobladores en Lucha (MPL), a Chilean urban popular movement, is a particularly significant expression of these processes. My research on its experiences of complex self-managed work has enabled me to distinguish dynamics through which its participants generate collective praxis, self-managing subjectivities, and prefigurative processes of producing, reproducing, and transforming habitat. These distinctions show that popular self-management involves transformations of the social relations through which communities organize their work, make decisions, produce knowledge, generate forms of cooperation, and participate in shaping their own conditions of existence.

I conceptualize complex self-managed work as a historical dynamic of expansion and integration across different domains of self-managing praxis, articulated with the generation of a political project aimed at its generalization throughout society. Its complexity does not depend on having actually reached a national or plurinational scale, but on articulating practices and domains of activity around that political horizon. A community kitchen may constitute an experience of popular self-management without necessarily participating in a process of increasing complexity; it may, however, become part of such a process when its practices are articulated with other domains of production and reproduction of life in developing a collective project of social transformation.

This distinction acquires world-historical significance when we examine popular antisystemic struggles across the longue durée of the world-system. Throughout capitalist-colonial modernity, we can identify recurrent tendencies toward the expansion and integration of self-managing domains, alongside processes of contraction and disarticulation produced by the system's interventive dynamics. The increasing complexity of self-management thus constitutes a historical tendency spanning different societies and periods, expressed in political projects oriented toward generalizing collective capacities to produce and transform life. Chilean experiences, from workers' and urban popular organizations to processes of popular power and contemporary territorial struggles, form part of this history of longue durée and worldwide scope.

The distinction between self-managing and interventive dynamics also allows us to investigate contradictions within popular organizations themselves. Their practices may generate hierarchical, patriarchal, clientelist, or bureaucratic relations that reproduce interventive dynamics even within emancipatory projects. Increasing self-management complexity requires conserving personal autonomy and ensuring the consensual autonomy of communities and their federative articulations through forms of collective planning and hybrid control of work processes. This entails an obediential politics, in which the grassroots retain primacy over their leaders, with revocable mandates and rotating authorities, making it possible to coordinate political projects of national or plurinational scope without reproducing interventive subordination.

In this context, sociotechnical adaptation (Dagnino and Novaes, 2007) acquires particular importance, since emancipatory transformations require changes both to technologies and work procedures and to organizational and decision-making forms—the software and orgware of self-managed units. Appropriating means of production or institutions may conserve previous hierarchical relations if the dynamics through which power is exercised remain unchanged. Hence the importance of articulating direct democracy and obediential representation through recurrent processes of sociotechnical adaptation aimed at expanding and conserving collective capacities for self-government.

This perspective allows us to reconsider Chile's post-2019 trajectory historically. The popular uprising was preceded by decades of student, territorial, feminist, trade-union, Indigenous, and urban popular struggles, alongside community experiences that helped generate the conditions for its occurrence. During the pandemic, some of these collective capacities were reconfigured around the material reproduction of life. Community kitchens revived historical practices of popular organization and, in certain territories, constituted spaces of cooperation, resistance, and conservation of collective memories.

The defeats of the constituent processes and the far right's subsequent electoral victory profoundly transformed the conditions for articulating popular forces. Some organizations weakened, others reorganized, and certain instruments of political representation disappeared. The legal dissolution of the Equality Party (Partido Igualdad) in 2026, an organization historically linked to the MPL, significantly expresses the difficulties faced by organizations of the popular left in participating in an electoral institutional framework shaped by increasingly restrictive conditions. Yet territorial struggles, community organizations, and self-managing practices have histories that exceed the legal existence of political parties.

The history of popular antisystemic movements requires attending to these temporalities. Formal organizations, political programs, and electoral results are important dimensions of popular struggles, but their historical trajectory also unfolds through everyday practices of collectively producing and reproducing life. These practices generate and conserve capacities for cooperation, organization, and social transformation that participate in shaping historical possibilities for liberation.

IV. Historical Bifurcation: Conservation, Transformation, and Possibilities for Liberation

Wallerstein's interpretation of the structural crisis of the capitalist world-system allows us to recognize that we are living through a historical period in which the relations that enabled capitalism's reproduction over several centuries face growing contradictions. Political struggles thus acquire extraordinary importance in the face of an open future. Nevertheless, I believe that reconstructing the history of popular self-management allows us to broaden the problem of bifurcation by incorporating the historical dynamics through which different forms of coexistence are generated, conserved, and transformed.

From the perspective of Ontological-Constitutive Thinking, developed from the work of Chilean biologist and epistemologist Humberto Maturana (1988), I understand historical becoming through a fundamental systemic law: everything changes around what is conserved, and what is conserved specifies what can and cannot change. Conservation constitutes the condition that shapes the course of possible transformations. Thus, when investigating historical transformation, we need to distinguish which relational dynamics are being conserved, for their conservation specifies the possibilities and limits of what can change.

This perspective introduces a decisive distinction into the analysis of structural crisis. The conservation of the relational dynamics constituting the modern world-system can take place through profound transformations of its particular institutional forms. Governments change, laws are modified, parties disappear, and forms of state administration are reorganized, while certain relations of subordination, appropriation, and interventive decision-making continue to occur under different configurations. Similarly, self-managing practices can be conserved and transformed across different organizations, territories, and historical experiences without requiring the permanence of any single institutional identity.

Chile's history between 2019 and 2026 reveals this difference. The popular uprising expressed a profound crisis of legitimacy in the neoliberal order and an expansion of possibilities for collective action. State management of the pandemic helped restrict and repress certain forms of popular organization, while communities generated new practices of collectively reproducing life. The constituent processes reorganized the conflict institutionally but failed to transform the structural conditions that had generated the uprising. The subsequent progressive government conserved and strengthened certain economic, legal, and coercive relations of the existing order, while popular forces faced new difficulties of articulation. Finally, the far right came to power amid accumulated frustrations, social insecurity, and struggles over possibilities for reorganizing coexistence.

This trajectory expresses contradictions within the structural crisis of capitalism and global coloniality. Political forces administering the existing order face growing difficulties in producing legitimacy and stability, while authoritarian alternatives seek to reorganize relations of domination through new forms of subordination and control. At the same time, historical practices of popular self-management continue generating possibilities for collective organization that participate in transforming the conditions of coexistence.

Within this historical bifurcation, interventive and self-managing relational dynamics participate in the struggle over which forms of coexistence can be conserved and transformed, and over the possibilities for reorganizing power and collective life.

Possibilities for civilizational transformation are realized in the practices through which people and communities reorganize their relations, collectively produce their conditions of existence, and transform how decisions concerning their own living are made. This also raises the need to deepen a micro–macro methodological approach to world-systems analysis, capable of articulating longue-durée historical-structural processes with the concrete relational dynamics through which those processes are realized, conserved, and transformed in everyday life. Wallerstein's utopistics thus acquires a concrete dimension: investigating historically possible alternatives requires examining the conditions under which particular social relations can be generated, conserved, and expanded.

Contemporary fascism also acquires another depth of understanding. Authoritarian forms of social reorganization involve historical processes of generating and conserving relations of obedience, subordination, exclusion, and concentration of decision-making capacities. Their expansion draws on prior institutional transformations and on social experiences of uncertainty, frustration, and weakened collective capacities for action. In the current structural crisis, these dynamics participate in the struggle over the configuration of social relations that can be conserved and transformed during the transition toward another historical system.

The bifurcation of the capitalist world-system constitutes a historical struggle across different domains. It is expressed in struggles for world hegemony, transformations of states, electoral contests, and conflicts over the distribution of wealth and power. But it also takes place in everyday relations through which people and communities participate in decisions shaping their conditions of existence. Structural transformations alter the conditions of everyday coexistence, while historical practices of popular organization participate in generating possibilities for transformation that may acquire broader political expressions.

From this perspective, I propose examining historical bifurcation also through the conditions under which processes of increasing self-management complexity expand, integrate, are conserved, or contract. The sharp political fluctuations of structural crisis may profoundly alter the conditions in which these processes take place, while capitalism's interventive dynamics participate in their subordination and disarticulation. At the same time, the longue durée of popular struggles shows that experiences of self-management can be conserved and transformed through new articulations, political projects, and forms of collective organization. Possibilities for civilizational transformation depend, in part, on the historical conditions under which these dynamics can expand and become generalized.

The Chilean experience reveals this complexity. Kast's victory is a significant event in contemporary authoritarian reorganization, but the historical dynamics running through Chilean society extend beyond government cycles and electoral conjunctures. The continuity of popular self-management practices, the reorganization of territorial movements, and community experiences of reproducing life form part of a longer history in which possibilities for social transformation are generated and conserved.

The popular mobilization of this October 18 expresses, in the present, a history spanning centuries of struggle and continuing under new political conditions. Its significance exceeds the commemoration of the 2019 uprising: it reminds us that the bifurcation of the capitalist world-system also takes place in the relations we generate and conserve through our practices of organization, cooperation, and resistance. Within them, a fundamental dimension of the possibilities for civilizational transformation that we are collectively constructing is at stake.

 

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